This piece was published in the 29th print volume of the Asian American Policy Review.
Since queerness is still a taboo topic in the Asian American community, the marginalization and invisibility of both queer and Asian American identities in schools and in their community call for a third space where queer Asian American youth can be around young people who look like them, share their identities, and offer guidance.
Introduction
Eve Tuck cautions that to only talk about tragedies in our community is harmful and paints an image that is damaged-centered and deficit oriented1. Too often, the only times we see queer folks on any social media websites or in the news is when tragedy strikes: the mass murder of 49 folks (with an additional 58 others wounded) at the gay Orlando nightclub; the murder of 15-year Lawrence “Larry” King by a fellow classmate and rumored partner; the rape and murder of Brandon Teena after acquaintances found out he was born biologically female; Sakia Gunn, a 15-year-old lesbian who was murdered after rejecting a man’s advance; the list goes on. News media do not even investigate the many murders of Black transgender women, whose deaths often go unnoticed2.
To be queer in this country is arduous, and despite a growing body of literature surrounding queer identities in recent years, these still often exclude voices of queer people of color3 4 5, and the narratives of queer Asian Americans remains largely unexamined.6 7 Even though Asian Americans are one of the fastest growing population in the United States, increasing by 46% between 2000 and 2010, faster than any other minoritized groups,8 we only constitute 5.6% of U.S. population, just over 17 million people.9 Thus, we are often overlooked and invisible when it comes to political discussion, media representation, educational research, and especially, queer discourse.10 In a study conducted by the Williams Institute, an estimated 325,000 (2.8%) of all Asian adults that identify as LGBTQ live in the United States, the majority of whom reside in more “queer liberal” states such as California, Hawaii, and New York.11 Nevertheless, there continues to be a lack of research regarding queer Asian American identities, and even less research pertaining to queer Asian American youth–their experiences navigating schools and tensions that erupt between queer discourse and the values that shape Asian American youth.12 13
Schools have long been “site[s] of social reproduction and socialization,”14 and heteronormativity and whiteness dominate the main “social reproduction” that schools breed. In recent years, the growth of Gay Straight Alliances (GSA),[2] an after-school club for queer high school students, has resulted in spaces where queer-identifying students can conglomerate for social or political purposes–to challenge dominant “social reproduction.”15 Yet, we continue to see a lack of diversity in these spaces too, with many students of color voicing their discontent and frustration at the lack of intersectionality when it comes to queer identity representation.16 Teachers also do not engage with the topic through their curriculum, and many voiced not feeling comfortable and/or feeling unprepared to teach about queerness. Because schools are not providing a “brave” space for queer students to develop and affirm their queer identities, research has shown that many flock to online spaces to build communities.1718
While utilizing digital spaces to affirm one’s existence and meet folks who share similar identities is important, I argue that we can create such spaces outside of the internet through community-based organizations (CBOs). CBOs that work with youth have evolved from informal gatherings to non-profit organizations, with their own set of mission, vision, and targeted youth. There are a diverse range of focus, from fostering leadership and team building to providing workforce preparations, while others see themselves as supplements to traditional classroom and learning.19 By utilizing a culturally relevant pedagogy, CBOs that target youth of color have been instrumental in providing a space where youth of color can learn about themselves, their history, and their cultures, which are too often excluded in dominant school curriculums.2021 Doing so allow CBO staff to create partnerships with youth of color more effectively compared with traditional classroom teachers, whom many students feel marginalize minoritized identities. Since queerness is still a taboo topic in the Asian American community,22 the marginalization and invisibility of both queer and Asian American identities in schools and in their community call for a third space where queer Asian American youth can be around young people who look like them, share their identities, and offer guidance.
Contextualizing Asian American students’ position in school
To better understand the significance of why it is crucial to create spaces centering queer Asian American identities, we first have to analyze how they are position within the United States education system. In 2013, 15.1 million students were enrolled in urban U.S. public K-12 schools,23 2.2 million of which identified as Asian American.24 In 2016, Pizmony-Levy and Kosciw found that only 127,400 Asian American students identify as LGBT or queer;25 therefore, while Asian American students represent a small population in our school system, queer Asian American students even less.
Additionally, scholars note how Asian American students are often “invisible” from teachers and support staffs because of their status as “model minorities.”26 The model minority trope first appeared in the publication in the 1966 piece by William Petersen in The New York Times Magazine called “Success Story: Japanese American Style.” A similar article “Success of One Minority Group in U.S.,” by a US News & World Report staff also followed the same year. Both highlighted the economic and social mobility Asian Americans have attained in the United States, and argued that their success is due to Asian cultural values prioritizing education.272829 This bled into the education system, resulting in teachers and educational scholars to believe that Asian American students are not “underrepresented” or “disadvantaged.”30 Many teachers feel that Asian American students do not experience discriminations, both in their personal life and at school, and do not reach out to them to provide support in and outside of the classroom.31 32
In the past few decades, scholars found that the marginalization of Asian American students resulted in the dismissal of Asian American disparities in education, exclusion from students of color programs and resources, barriers to college access and retention, and lack of support from teachers and schools, consequently marking them as “invisible.”33 They further argued that the assumption that Asian Americans have attained economic stability and social upward mobility created a lack of support for students who have been made invisible by the myth. This is especially heightened for Southeast Asian American students, many of whom were resettled in the United States as refugees and are predominately first generations immigrants.34, 35, 36 However, within these studies about how the model minority trope affects Asian American students, most – if not all – of the participants were straight Asian American students.
Queer students (of color) at school
Conversations about queer students in school have predominantly revolved around their experiences with bullying in education. Queer youth experience some of the highest rates of bullying in school spaces: half of students who reported being bullied identified as queer,37, 38 with many of these students enduring verbal harassment, physical abuse, and cyberbullying.39 Even youth who are perceived to be queer (especially “effeminate” boys) by their peers are harassed by cisgender and heterosexual boys in an effort to police their masculinities.40
Compared to students who identify as part of the queer community because of their sexual orientations (lesbian, gay, bisexual, etc.), transgender youth face the most hostile school climates because of their developing sexual identity and receiving gender identity.41 Sadowski’s research with transgender youth found that 40% of them were not allowed to use their preferred names and pronouns in schools, 60% were required to use restrooms inconsistent with their gender identity, and a third were prevented from wearing clothes that conform with their gender identities.42 Queer students often avoid schools altogether to avoid harassment, resulting in lower grades and impacting college aspirations. Many students choose not to report bullies to school staff because they feel their schools have failed to intervene or that staff would either not respond or make it worse.43 Additionally, many queer youth reported that adults also participate in or perpetuate bullying through the use of biased language, victim blaming, minimizing bullying as “kids will be kids,” and/or outing “closet” students to their parents.44 45
Yet, while queer youth experiences in schools are slowly gaining traction among scholars, queer Asian American students’ experiences in schools have yet to emerge. Studies that does include queer Asian American students (and queer students of color in general) often contradict larger queer studies. In 2012, the Gay, Lesbian & Straight Education Network (GLSEN) National School Climate Surveys reported that Black/African American and Asian/Pacific Islander LGBT students experienced lower levels of anti-LGBT victimization in school.46 However, other scholars indicate that queer youth of color are more pathologized compared to their white counterparts and face more hostile environments from their peers and racial community, in and outside of school. Pritchard highlighted the difference between teachers’ and media’s treatment of bullied queer white youth and their treatment of bullied queer youth of color in the case of Lawrence “Larry” King.47 King was a fifteen-year-old biracial gay male student who was shot to death by white male student Brandon McInerney, after King confessed his love for McInerney. Instead of framing King as a victim of a hate crime, the media instead blamed King for making McInerney and other students uncomfortable for his flamboyant personality. McCready also saw how the policing of masculinity is more visible and toxic among Black boys in urban schools, causing many queer Black boys to act more “straight” in attempt to fit in, maintain friendships, and avoid harassment.48 Transgender Black youth also face more physical violence.4950 Peers and family members also commonly enforce strict gender roles among Asian Americans.51 Since many communities of color also view being “gay” synonymous with “acting white,”52 the close policing of gender roles and lack of support and representation in larger queer discourse might be a contributor to why many queer youth of color, including Asian American students, choose to not be “out.”
To combat queerphobia in schools and among youth, the United States has seen the rise of Gay Straight Alliance (GSAs), an in- and after- school club where queer students come together to support one another. GSAs are often advised by a school staff, and they can range from social clubs to politically engaging spaces where queer youth can discuss policies and participate in protests. Bidell argues that in schools where GSAs are available, queer students reported feeling safer and a better sense of belonging, with an increase in attendance and involvement in the school’s culture.53 Students also spoke of seeing more staffs intervene if there is bullying and better advocacy in general in schools where GSA exists.
However, since lower resources are available in urban schools, queer youth of color face barriers accessing or even starting GSAs.54 Even in urban schools where GSA exists, they often fail to recruit and retain queer youth of color by neglecting the unique experiences that queer youth of color encompass, which scholars describe as a “tricultural experience” because they face racism due to their race, sexism due to their gender identities, and queerphobia due to their sexual orientation.55 56 In his research at a diverse high school with a GSA-similar club called Project 10, McCready found that although the school was racially and ethnically diverse, Project 10 comprised entirely of white, female students.57 When he interviewed two gay Black boys and inquired why they did not attend Project 10, both were critical about how the club did not address intersectionality adequately in conversations around queer identities. Project 10’s central focus, the two students observed, predominantly catered to queer white students’ experiences, and the advisor for Project 10 admitted that they did not know how to properly address issues affecting queer students of color.
GSAs also create tensions with already established cultural beliefs that shape Asian American students, often forcing them to feel like they must choose between their Asian American identity or their queer identity when navigating these spaces.58 In her work with Asian American youth in high school, Lee found that Asian American students felt the pressure to conform to the “model minority” stereotype, not only because they view education as the pathway to economic and social mobility, but also because of the obligations they feel to their family.59 This is especially heightened for Southeast Asian (Cambodian, Hmong, Laotian, and Vietnamese) students whose parents brought them to the United States as refugees to escape war-torn Southeast Asia and to achieve the “American Dream.”60 Scholars describe this sense of obligation to one’s family as “filial piety,” which Lor61 explains as the “Confucian ideology that places emphasis on […] respect for the elderly, and subordination to the father and parental care,”62 thereby creating “a sense of duty” in Asian American students to “assist others and to take into account the needs and wishes of the family when making decisions.”63 In the hopes of giving back to their family for their sacrifices, Asian American students tend to focus exclusively on academics, limiting their participation in after school activities, such as GSAs, even if they identify as part of the community.6465
Additionally, the concept of “coming out,” the “declaration of one’s sexual orientation,”66 that GSA in schools often create programming around (i.e. “National Coming Out Day” etc.) fail to incorporate differences in cultural values. In championing individualism, the “coming out” narrative contrasts with many Asian cultures that prioritize familial bonds, kinship, and community building.67 In his research with gay Hmong men, Thao noticed that while his participants believe in the concept, most of them did not want to sever ties with their families like other queer folks because family is their support system.68 In wanting to support their families after completing school, they often renegotiate the concept of “coming out,” with many acknowledging that they are not always “out” completely. Instead, they are “out” in certain spaces and with certain folks (such as friends, school, or immediate family members) while “in” in others (such as extended relatives).69 Language barriers also hinder many Asian American youth from coming out to their parents because vocabulary such as “transgender,” “pansexual,” etc., are not always possible to interpret into their native languages.70 Often feeling entrapped by the debt that they “owe” their parents,71 queer Asian American youth are constrained in navigating and negotiating between their families and their recognition of self.
In response, queer youth of color have rise to serve as catalyst for change and inclusion. Hoping to diversify her classroom’s book collection, Justine, a middle-class, lesbian, African American student at an urban magnet high school, brought a lesbian love poem from the queer youth center she frequently engaged with and photos from a lesbian history book of her own to school as part of a class project.72 Additionally, at an all-girls public charter middle- and high school in Chicago, queer girls of color started a GSA to challenge the notion that it was only for white girls. This received backlash from parents, who claimed it was immoral for young girls to associate themselves with sexual orientations. Although the GSA was eventually dismantled (though reinstated in recent years), the girls continued to be vocal about their two identities.73 Similarly, transgender youth of color at a high school were at the forefront of advocating for trans-positive policy in their school.74
Teachers’ resistance to teaching about queer identities
Within the classroom, teachers are resistant to incorporating LGBT topics in the curriculum,75 and many pre-service teachers admit to feeling underprepared to address race and sexual orientation (both separately and as intersections), whether in general or through the curriculum.7677 While efforts have come from teachers to incorporate LGBT literatures, these continue to only be about white queer experiences and ignores queer students of color.7879
Because English/Language Arts (ELA) classrooms often lend itself easier to engaging with the topic since they can incorporate texts that contain queer characters and/or is LGBT-themed, most studies have been about ELA teachers’ perspectives on whether or not one should teach about LGBT in the classroom.80 When surveying 21 pre-service English teachers from Kennesaw State University’s undergraduate and Master’s programs in English Education and 51 middle and high school English teachers in suburban school districts near Atlanta, Mason found that 56% stated that teaching young adult literature with LGBT characters does not belong in the classroom.81 These teachers argued that discussing LGBT issues was not a part of their job82 while others expressed that while they were willing to combat homophobic slurs in the hallways or call out students who are being hostile to another, they will not engage with it through the curriculum.83 Some felt teaching about LGBT is synonymous with teaching about sex,8485 and therefore, not appropriate for school in general.
They found similar results with 20 students enrolled in an online course for language arts teachers who taught at a variety of grade levels and who were enrolled from relatively diverse geographic regions both within and outside of the university’s home state.86 They, too, felt teaching about LGBT equated to sex and argued that it would be more appropriate in a Health class instead of ELA.87 The belief that LGBT equates to sex, despite many books with LGBT character not involving sex, creates a sense of discomfort for teachers, who feel sex is an adult topic and should not be introduced to students in school. Other ELA teachers have expressed that students should not be making discoveries about their sexual orientations in schools, and feared that if they provided LGBT-themed texts, it would influence students’ sexual orientation.88 Some felt the topic would force students to perceive homosexuality as better than heterosexuality, and felt this is just as detrimental,89 believing that it was “not fair” to heterosexual students to explicitly provide LGBT-themed texts when they did not provide explicit heterosexual texts.90 There is also the belief that they are bringing in their own agenda into the classroom and would therefore indoctrinate students whose families see homosexuality as against their religion.9192 When asked why a teacher did not incorporate LGBT-themed books into the curriculum or made it available on bookshelves within the classroom, one teacher stated “[i]f a gay student needs books with this theme, they may speak with the media specialist.”93 The concerns over backlash from parents, other teachers, and the school district is a recurring concern.94 Mason found that ELA teachers who utilized texts that focus on race and racism in the past have received backlash, and felt the same will be similar if they introduced LGBT-themed books.95 To avoid generating controversies, they instead avoid the topic. Another study found that despite wanting to teach about LGBT issues, some teachers felt unprepared to do so since their teacher education program (TEP) never discussed it with them.96
There are, however, some ELA teachers who choose to incorporate LGBT-themed texts into their classroom, arguing that LGBT issues is not controversial. One teacher stated that “one of the reasons that we have this cultural idea that this is a controversial topic is because we only talk about it when we have to, instead of talking about it just like we talk about all sorts of other things with our students—about people who don’t look like or live like or learn like others who are more familiar to us.”97 Teachers who utilize LGBT-themed texts in the classroom believe that it is their “civic duty to help their students become critically aware and informed citizens.”98 Not only will students be exposed to different and sometimes unknown topics, but they can pose questions if perplexed and challenge their own assumptions about other groups in order to learn more.99 They also felt their students were more mature than parents and administrative staffs often give students credit for.100 By introducing diverse topics through literature, teachers also felt students can become more empathetic to others and be responsible for their classmates to create a safe space for one another.101 Since “the creation of a child’s prejudicial attitudes usually occurs during a child’s early” years, introducing the topic early can minimize prejudicial bias later in life.102 Teachers believed that by having LGBT-themed texts available for students to read and as part of the curriculum, it can foster tolerance and combat homophobia in and outside of the classroom103 by introducing to them how discriminations still exist.104 Additionally, using texts will challenge the perceived notion of LGBT characters as “others” by centering their narratives.105 Some ELA teachers employed literatures as a gateway to paralleling and bringing real-world issues into the classroom,106 explaining that by employing multiple perspectives about LGBT, students get to understand that those who are part of the community are also just as human and diverse as heterosexual folks.107
Community-based organizations’ offer spaces of belonging
Due to the lack of support in schools and conversations from teachers, queer students tend to seek support in online spaces to build communities, learn more about themselves, and to socialize with others who share their identities.108,109 While predominantly white queer youth see GSAs as a safe and supportive physical space to socialize and mobilize, many queer students of color opt for community-based organizations (CBOs). They feel that these organizations and the adults within them better address the intersectionalities they experience.110 Parents of color also argue that CBOs are more supportive of their students, compared to the lack of racial identity inclusion in school’s curriculum, disproportionate surveillance of students of color, and culture incompetence from school staffs.111 Scholars found that CBOs not only addressed these issues in their environments and from their staffs, but CBOs were also able to bridge schools and communities of color.112, 113 By implementing a culturally relevant pedagogy (CRP), CBOS “have a long history of interrupting patterns of educational inequity and continue to do so under the current educational policy climate,”114 especially when partnering with youth of color. CRP is a method of teaching that integrates students’ culture, knowledge, and community experiences into the curriculum with the following guiding principles:115
- Identity development in youth and acknowledgement of these identities from the teacher to build student-teacher connection,
- Creating equity and excellence in the space by establishing a curriculum that is inclusive of students’ cultural experiences, and setting high expectations for them,
- Developmental appropriateness by incorporating relevant lessons and activities,
- “Teaching the whole child” by recognizing that students bring an abundance of prior knowledge and influence into the class,
- Creating authentic student teacher relationships by checking in with students, and
- Managing student emotions by acknowledging their truths and using these as educational moments for growth
When studying low-income Chinese American youth at the organization Community Youth Center (CYC), Wong noticed how many students were not engaged in school because they felt the student-teacher relationship was inauthentic, and there was a lack of cultural and racial representation in the curriculum.116 Additionally, Wong observed how schools often paint deficit images of parents of color to their students. Working long hours at minimum wage jobs often restricted parents’ interactions with schools, and though parents stressed the importance of achieving academic success to their child/ren, they were not viewed as “engaging parents” by teachers because they did not attend conferences or were actively involved in Parent Teacher Organizations (PTOs). Wong felt the dominant school culture’s view of parents of color as “deficient” due to “lack” of involvement was responsible for some of the intergenerational conflicts between parents and children, as Chinese American students often felt their parents were not as supportive as white parents. Yull et al, who studied Black/African American families living in a predominantly white community, also found the same disconnect and intergenerational conflict, critiquing the way white teachers view “engaging” parents.117
In contrast, students involved in CBOs often find them to be more racially and culturally inclusive compared to school. In CBOs, students believe that more adults care about their well-being, compared with school staffs,118 creating authentic student-teacher relationships.119 Students were also able to explore more of their interests instead of being limited to the school’s curriculum, which itself is restricted by Common Core standards. In doing so, they found more purpose in contributing to these activities,120 which, not only speaks to developmental appropriateness, but also creates equity and excellence for students by including their interests and learning.121 In these spaces, students felt more pride in their heritage, especially when provided with a venue where they can speak their first language without fear of judgement.122 Staffs were also able to mediate conversations between school personnel and teachers, as well as help parents navigate these educational spaces.123 Wong also praised how staffs at CYC were able to partner with parents of students in the hopes of reversing the “deficiency” image schools have painted by portraying their parents as bearers of knowledge, encouraging students to learn more about their heritage and history through dialogues and workshops with parents,124 examples of identity development where staffs strive to “teach the whole child” by utilizing their culture and prior knowledge into the curriculum. Similarly, in Oakland, CA, Asian American youth at the CBO AYPAL fights against institutionalized racism, especially deportation of immigrants, a project that was initiated and led by the youth with staff supervision. Asian American youth felt they were not only learning teamwork and leadership skills, but that they were also learning about their history and current policies that affect their identities, which was lacking in school, an example of staffs respecting and listening to youth.125
Though CBOs will not address all of the challenges that queer Asian American students face, they can become spaces where queer Asian American students can find support. The example of CYC’s culturally relevant pedagogy showcases how the organization not only provides resources for Chinese American youth to navigate school environments, but also allocates support for their parents and extended families as well. CYC also advocates for families who do not understand English at school meetings/conference. Additionally, the predominantly Asian American staff encouraged a sense of Chinese and Asian American pride in the youth, which they often lacked in traditional schools. In replicating this for queer Asian American youth, CBOs can provide a space where they can learn more about and affirm their queer and Asian American identities with support and guidance. Staffs can also answer questions about queer identities and direct students to appropriate resources. Additionally, staffs can mediate tensions between queer Asian American youth and their parents by explaining what queerness is to parents, especially in households where language barriers hinder complete understanding of queer culture. Queer Asian American students can also build community among other queer Asian American students and youth of color in these spaces for the emotional, academic, and cultural support that is missing in school’s GSAs. They can also use these spaces to deconstruct national policies that affect their dual identities and work with adults to challenge the main discourse, like Asian American youth who partnered up with AYPAL.
Recommendations
While school and society have taken steps towards queer inclusion, more work needs to be done to create inclusive spaces both in and outside of the classroom. We need to effectively evaluate the ways in which our Teacher Education Programs are preparing teachers to teach diverse students and learners, who hail from unique cultures and backgrounds. It is not enough that we only offer method courses for pre-service teachers. We need to facilitate pre-service teachers to name race and sexual orientation, to critically examine how intersection plays a role in students’ lives in and out of schools, and to harness these strengths into the classroom to build a better classroom culture. Otherwise, teachers’ lack of response against bullying, cultural competency, and resistance to talking about queer identities will continue to push queer youth of color out of school spaces. CBOs have already done engaging and empowering work with youth of color, and can definitely do more with queer Asian American youth.
Furthermore, since many ELA teachers surmised teaching about LGBT issues is only about sex and therefore not appropriate within a school context, better professional development needs to be implemented to dispel assumptions and stereotypes about the queer community. Addressing intersectionality in schools and in afterschool clubs will be a step forward in ensuring that diverse identities and cultures are respected and represented accurately. When we ignore students in our classrooms and fail to engage aspects of their identities (even the ones that are not physically apparent), we erase the very foundation of what makes them unique and push them out. Students are already exploring their sexual orientation from a young age, and it is more effective if we provide guidance rather than disregard the topic. Schools can start by adopting and mirroring the culturally responsive pedagogies that CBOs are already utilizing to create a more harmonious relationship between schools and queer Asian American communities.
Additionally, more studies need to highlight queer Asian American youth voices. Queer discourse needs to include the voices and experiences of Asian American students, and Asian American discourse needs to be more inclusive to those who are queer. Many scholars researching queer Asian Americans disproportionately focus on the experiences of adult gay Asian American men or Asian American men who have sex with men. This excludes voices of women, transgender and non-conforming Asian American individuals, youth, and other sexual orientations, whose narratives are equally important. Empirical work should also focus on the experience of queer Asian American youth’s identity development in both schools and CBOs to document and validate their experiences. Furthermore, it is important to investigate the different rich and diverse ethnic communities that make up the “Asian American” category; future research should also focus on different ethnic groups and their unique experiences with queerness.
Moving forward, future questions for exploration could include:
- How do CBOs that work with queer Asian American youth, such as Freedom Inc., Shades of Yellow, and Hmong Queer Suab (Hmong Queer Voices), mediate conversations between students, parents, and schools about queer identities, especially for those who are bilingual? What kind of programming are also in place to educate Asian American families about these topics?
- What are some strategies queer Asian American youth, specifically transgender Asian American youth, utilize when navigating and negotiating different spaces?
- What are the experiences of bisexual and pansexual Asian American women in their communities and what specific discriminations/struggles do they face? Additionally, if they are able to “pass” as heterosexual, how do they navigate these identities?
- How do historically Asian religions (such as Hinduism, Shamanism, Shintoism, etc.) create further tension with queer identities for Asian American youth, especially in faith-based CBOs?
Only by building bridges can we connect different communities to one another for better solidarity. Let’s strive for a future where intersectionalities can coexist harmoniously.
Endnotes
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Racial Segregation and De-Normalizing Whiteness. Journal of Gay & Lesbian Issues in Education, 1(3), 37-51. - Pritchard, E.D. (2013). For Colored Kids Who Committed Suicide, Our Outrage Isn’t Enough: Queer Youth of Color, Bullying, and the Discursive Limits of Identity and Safety . Harvard Educational Review, 83(2), 320-345.
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